Another Nail in the NPT Coffin
by Gordon Prather
Garold Larson has the misfortune to be the Bush-Cheney Deputy Permanent Representative to the Conference on Disarmament, and hence, was required to "celebrate" the 40th anniversary of the Treaty on Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons.
Misfortune, because Larson – who may not be a pathological liar – was required to make this outrageous claim;
"President Bush has
reaffirmed the strong support of the
And misfortune, because Larson – who may not be a warmongering scoundrel – was required to make this even more outrageous allegation;
Now, arguably, the
So, isn't this charge that
it is "Parties like
that in his first State of the Union Address Bush essentially accused
"States like these, and their terrorist allies, constitute an axis of evil, arming to threaten the peace of the world.
"I will not wait on
events, while dangers gather. I will not stand by, as peril draws closer and
But – at that time –
At this point, recall that the NPT – in and of itself – contains no enforcement mechanism, whatsoever.
So, the NPT took advantage of the existing Safeguards and Physical Security System of the International Atomic Energy Agency, requiring that each no-nuke NPT signatory enter into a bilateral "safeguards"
agreement with the IAEA "with a view to preventing diversion of nuclear energy from peaceful uses to nuclear weapons."
The principal mission of the IAEA is to facilitate "the contribution of atomic energy to peace, health and prosperity, throughout the world."
But the IAEA – in carrying out its principal mission – "shall ensure, so far as it is able" that materials and activities under its "supervision" are not "diverted" so as "to further any military purpose."
Whenever the IAEA's inspectors detect possible "diversion," the Director-General reports that to the Board of Governors. The Board can then decide – by a two-thirds majority – whether or not the "diversion" furthers "any military purpose" and should be reported to the UN Security Council for possible action.
In the aftermath of Gulf War
I, the IAEA discovered – and reported to the Security Council – that
But, by 1998, Director-General ElBaradei was able to report [.pdf] to the Board and to the Security Council that
There were no indications to
There were no indications
that there remains in
So, upon receipt of that
IAEA report – that
But, President Clinton
declared he would never allow sanctions to be lifted, despite the IAEA report
In a TV interview in the
spring of 2003, Vice-President Cheney went even further, expressing his view
that ElBaradei was, "frankly, wrong" about
the status of Iraq's nuclear programs, even though his IAEA inspectors had been
in Iraq for mont
Of course, by the summer of 2003, the whole world knew that ElBaradei had been right all along; it was Cheney who had been either tragically or malevolently wrong.
Was any member of the Cheney Cabal chastened?
Did Bush join in the worldwide acclamation – culminating in the 2005 Nobel Peace Prize – for ElBaradei and his IAEA experts?
In fact, having had his wars of aggression "ratified" by his 2004 reelection, Bush made Condi-baby Secretary of State and Bonkers Bolton our UN Ambassador, whereupon they did everything they could to get ElBaradei fired.
Now, in Secretary of State Madeleine Albright's opening statement to the Sixth Review Conference of the Treaty on the Nonproliferation of Nuclear Weapons held at UN Headquarters in 2000, she encouraged conferees to focus on three key issues: how the treaty is working to
(a) prevent nuclear proliferation, (b) advance nuclear disarmament, and (c) enhance cooperation in the peaceful uses of nuclear energy.
Contrast that with the demonstration of Bush's commitment to "strengthen the NPT-IAEA regime"; Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice didn't address or even attend the Seventh Review Conference held at UN Headquarters in 2005.
Worse, Condi-baby's munchkins refused to allow the findings of the 2000 NPT RevCon to even be discussed at the 2005 NPT RevCon, much less be affirmed.
Worse still, they attempted to get the NPT, itself, revised, eliminating all that pesky language requiring us to disarm, to facilitate the acquisition by NPT Parties (like Iran) of nuclear energy and prohibits our attacking NPT Parties (like Iran).
Condi also sent Stephen Rademaker to instruct the conferees about the need to replace the NPT – if not so "revised" – with President Bush's Proliferation Security Initiative.
You probably never heard of Rademaker until he publicly "admitted"
last year that the so-called U.S.-India Nuclear Deal he and Condi negotiated was really all about coercing India into voting "our way"
on the IAEA Board against
You see, it is that U.S.-India Nuclear Deal which may well have the most serious long-term and disastrous consequences for the NPT nuke proliferation-prevention regime.
Condi had whizzed down to
In return for India canceling the "peace pipeline," Condi held out the possibility that we would (a) lift sanctions imposed by Congress on India (as a result of the nuclear weapons tests India conducted in 1998) and on U.S. companies doing business with India, (b) supply India with the nuclear power plants that we had prevented Russia from supplying (and the fuel for them that we had prevented the Russians from supplying), and (c) get the Nuclear Suppliers Group to completely disregard guidelines on restrictions to be applied to NSG exports to India.
When details of what Condi
had demanded of
And, it may yet.
But, even if the deal never gets done, the NPT-based nuke proliferation-prevention regime may have suffered irreparable damage.
And that, of course, is what the Cheney Cabal set out to do.